Policing in Taiwan

In Taiwan, there is a long history of colonization and a very multicultural society where people represent various identities. There is a long history of power struggles and violence. There is a long debate about the current position of Taiwanese national identity. There is a long history surrounding political freedoms in Taiwan. Not until recently were Taiwanese citizens given the chance to freely voice their political opinions.

The police force has also been in Taiwan for a long time. Starting with the Japanese police force during early Japanese colonization, the initial role was to assist in the colonial project. Today, the Taiwanese police act mainly as peacekeepers. They politely go about their “beats” and hope to resolve conflicts with limited confrontation. They concern themselves more officially when the work that they are doing can be followed more officially (i.e. a call that went through police radio can be followed-up on). The police also accept bribes and use the money collected to secure promotions.

The police do not wish to engage in largely confrontational relationships in part due to the history. They do not expect to be viewed well if they go about trying to exercise authority. The article leaves one with the impression that the Taiwanese police are not perceived as having a lot of authority. What was really striking was the description of the police officer temporarily shutting down the illegal street businesses. Yes it was a very sudden show of force and as mentioned in the article, people did not know that they were doing something illegal, they just thought that the police coming through to tear-down there businesses once every few months was a routine occurrence. It seemed so strange, the business owners did not rebel or protest, they just fought them to get there items inside of the store as quickly as possible.

The police officer did not care about what happened afterwards. All that he wanted was for the street to be clear long enough to take a picture to file in the official records. Infact, by the time he had reached the end of the street the restaurant owners were re-setting-up to serve lunch.

What was even more strange to read about was the group of women who were assisting them in clearing out the street. They did not seem to care about the end results from the description and that the restaurant owners still continued to serve food in the streets afterwards. They were there to assist the police in a cause that they cared about passionately and they did not seem to make a fuss when there day’s efforts became pointless in the end. 

It was said that the business owners did not know that there actions were illegal. It seems so strange that there is no loud fuss to this type of action. There is no uproar to what appears to be an abuse of power to the vendors who do not understand that there businesses are illegal and there is no uproar from a citizenry who have ineffective policing. These actions show that the Taiwanese citizenry still do not actively have a large voice in democracy in Taiwan. 

Religion and Nationalism in Taiwan and Jinmen

What is the role of the local village temples in national discourses?

Local village temples in Taiwan and Jinmen have strong symbolic importance for practitioners of Chinese folk religion. This is where local control can be established and many local matters (such as land usage) can be decided upon.

The selection process to the board of the temple runs with a lot of risks and does not necessarily mean that it will be reflective of the local population. Only those with money can really put their names forth for consideration. The throwing of the divination stones comes down to a matter of faith. A God may decide who will be on the temple board as many will believe or whoever will sit on the board of the temple is selected by chance.

Stephan Feuchtwang believes that this is democracy. It is not, only those with money can really apply (not to say that the systems in many western countries do not have similar issues). There is also a huge risk that the person selected will not be the person that the village really would want to fulfill that role. There are checks and balances within the system, but it is not very similar to democracy. Yes this is a local level of representation, coming from two countries where the people did not have much of a voice.

What was interesting to see was how this played out in Jinmen and local beliefs about Wang Yulan reflected political changes in Jinmen. Before there was democracy in Taiwan Wang Yulan was a worshipped Ghost with heavy state support from the ROC. She was violently murdered by the PRC and was considered an ideal woman due to her virginity. It was also important that she was unmarried, this made her purer and more independent, if she was married than she would be considered a member of her husband’s family. The ROC was also sending the message that they were the true protectors of traditional Chinese religion since the PRC soldiers would murder a woman who could become holy.

Afterwards when there was more freedom in the ROC, many instead believed that she was a lot grander than she was initially believed to be. The narrative has changed since the politics in Taiwan have now changed. It is now believed that she was an upper-class woman since ROC and PRC conflicts are less important in the ROC and conflicts with China would be very disadvantageous for the island of Jinmen.

The temples and the changes that occur over time are writing political narratives on the local levels. The temples are also sites of local power, though not local democratic power. 

Nationalism and Identity in Taiwan

Nationalism is a narrative that we tell ourselves. The four articles for this week’s readings all reflected on that. In Taiwan constructions of identity are often used to assist in nation building. This is especially pertinent when you consider the unique limb that the Taiwanese state is in and the tool that nationalism has become in that struggle. It is also very interesting to see how the constructions of identity of traditionally marginalized groups in Taiwan has contributed to the causes of counter cultural protesting of state oppression.

The Hakka identity in urban spaces was in many ways constructed to re-legitimize Taiwanese identity in urban spaces by highlighting those Chinese who came before the KMT takeovers. Discussions of a Taiwanese identity needed to be re-oriented as multicultural to protect the national interests of Taiwan. In the Waishgren article the Mainlander identity is discussed. The exile from China of the KMT supporters is highlighted. It also notes how difficult it was for many to migrate to Taiwan after the Communist takeover for fears of influxes of communist supporters entering Taiwan. It was also intresting to note that the Taiwanese born mothers and children would take-on the identity of the mainlander father when they married, though not surprising when you consider Taiwanese beliefs about patrilineal family membership.

It is also interesting to read of immigrant women from South East Asian countries like the Philippine’s or Vietnam in Taiwan who have a lot of political and social barriers to integration in Taiwanese society. For all the talk of a multicultural Taiwan they are expected to become members of the Taiwanese family through marriage and help to produce many children. Language skills are considered very important if they want to stay without being married. They are viewed as “the lowest of the low” in Taiwanese society and these women are often marrying men who otherwise may not be able to find a wife. They are often subject to abuse or domestic violence in their relationships. If they divorce and do not have custody of the children they may have to leave the country. Despite their contributions to the nation through raising Taiwanese children their contributions to the country are not held in very high regard.

In Queering Taiwan a counter culture is explored. Homosexuality did not become visible in Taiwan until the 90s. In the article Queer culture is viewed as a contradiction to nationalism and the nation building of Taiwan and a protest against nationalism. A vocal queer community in Taiwan has emerged and there is advocacy for a type of Taiwanese queer culture that does not support nation building initiatives and brings in an anti-colonial discourse to discuss the history and position of Taiwan.

Large recent pushes to form a Taiwanese national identity to help resolve the Taiwanese national identity has resulted in a lot of hasty work which has marginalized many people. The articles discussed this week prove that the sort of Taiwanese identity that might be pushed on a page or by a government can be vastly different from the realities of the people. 

Identities in Taiwan

I would say that what could be taken away from this week’s readings was not necessarily to understand the history in Taiwan and how this very specific and complex history came to form Taiwanese identity but rather what a fluid concept national identity is.

In Taiwan, the relations with the colonial powers of the Japanese period and the most recent Chinese period where often very violent, brutal force was used, poverty was quickly inflicted and new cultures and customs were forced upon peoples. This held true for both Taiwanese Aboriginal Peoples and the Han populations, but in different ways.

During the different periods inhabitants reacted differently based on perceptions of class and how well a group did during that time. During the Japanese period many Aboriginals attempted to forget their indigenous identity, due to Japanese encroachment. At the beginning of the final Chinese period, many Aboriginal peoples sought to reclaim their indigenous identity. New sentiments around a Taiwanese identity separate from a Chinese identity sparked many to re-consider and take pride in their Aboriginal identity.

Many Han came to appreciate a Japanese lifestyle during the Japanese period, though there was discrimination and systemic barriers, many Han appreciated the technologies and cleanliness that was often available. When the Chinese first came back many Han were excited, but soon disappointed by the lack of opportunity and still oppressive rule. 2.28 occurred and there was a long period of political silencing. Now that many can speak publically again though, those who remember the Japanese speak fondly of it.

What is interesting is that the elderly who remember the Japanese periods describe their personal identities as changing during different era in their lives. They were Japanese than Chinese. Many Indigenous also describe their identity as changing. This is why I would describe the Taiwanese identity as fluid, it changes based on political and personal circumstances and cannot be pinned down to one thing.  

Grennhalgh and Gates

I found the articles to be very interesting this week. The focus has shifted to economic Anthropology in Taiwan.

In the Grennhalgh article, the focus was on what roles individuals take in their family businesses and how this fits in with the kinship system and how this formulated historically due to the colonialist history and more recently within the Republic of China take-over of the politics of the Island after the rise to power of the People’s Republic of China. It introduced the reader to the history that lead to the rise of the family firm in Taiwan. What I found really interesting was the focus of the role of women and kinship terms and how this related to an understanding of Ancestor worship as seen in the Wolf article last week.

In-laws (both male and female) and unmarried daughters are unlikely to achieve positions of power within the family firms. They will however receive a salary, often for piece work. Sons will often occupy the positions of managers. Fathers will run the business and be the “boss” or the top person. Wives and sometimes daughters will be the bookkeepers. The roles of women might be adjusted to assist with childcare and other household duties but ideally in a successful business women will not have to work and will spend their time being entertained and enjoying leisure. 

The Gates article “Democracy and the Part-time Proletariat in Taiwan” focused in how the class system (as it pertains to a family unit) works in Taiwan. Government employment is seen as very high class. Not only do these employees receive comfortable salaries, they receive food products that they can consume and sell extras, discounts and they have access to valuable inside information. Many occupants of these jobs are not perceived as competent and the work is often not very challenging.

Factory work does not provide a living wage. Many young adults work in these jobs while they are living with their parents and not yet married. This income might supplement the individual. It is interesting that in Taiwanese culture a pattern can be noticed where individuals of low ranks within their family units might work. But, in the jobs that they work they do not make enough money to support oneself. Rather, they are dependent on the family’s income during these periods. This, of course, is a generalization. There are low income families who must find ways to survive on these very low factory wages, often through splitting up the families. I have read elsewhere that Taiwanese Aboriginal People’s from rural areas often live in urban areas, work in factories and send money back to their rural families, this however was not mentioned in the article. 

Harrell and Wolf

I found the Wolf article and the intricacies of the Ancestor Worship system very interesting. I thought it gave an excellent overview of the research in this area and gave a very dynamic look at the system. To quickly summarize, in Chinese culture individuals are required to worship their ancestors, parents and grandparents. It is a patrilineal system meaning that women who die before marriage are considered problematic and therefore a post-mortim marriage must sometimes be arraigned. Parents cannot worship their dead children, parents can infact get angry at children who die before them. Individuals while alive must look out to ensure that they will have descendants to worship them after they die, meaning that they require a male heir.

We however realistically know that not everyone will marry or have a male heir. Meaning that they have some very complex and non-universal rules about how these situations will work out. Some believe that unworshiped ancestors may cause harm in to living family members, this can be rectified with worship or a more honoured position for worship. Consultation with spiritual experts, Shamans, may occur. There was not universal beliefs about these religions or definitive codes of what to do in certain circumstances. There was no mention of an exact central authority of spiritual expertise (like a head priest).

The Harrell article was also rather interesting. It was an exploration of work ethic in Chinese culture. It was noted that not everyone does have the famously noted work-ethic, for example unmarried women. The unmarried women did not view themselves as economic members of their current families and did not feel as motivated to contribute. However sons and fathers felt strong needs to contribute, these values were instilled at young ages.  Economic and social mobility was often a possibility, but it was a competitive scenario, therefore people put in considerable effort. They did not see this as something that benefited just themselves, but something that could benefit their children.

Interestingly when the communist party came to power, individuals in the agriculture sector felt very motivated to contribute to collective work and not work that just contributed to the families economic well being. They saw general economic advantage to collective work.

Blog 2: Leach and Mabuchi

I highly doubt and really question the tone of the Leach 1950 article “Primitive Calendars.” Yes in the Torbrian islands the calendar year is measured differently but this is no reason to judge it so negatively. The writer, Leach, believes that to measure time in this way is primitive and inaccurate. What Leach fails to notice is how this calendar can adjust for agricultural and weather cycles. Naturally, yes the measurement systems will differ from group to group, which is fine not everyone needs to be on the same calendar. Exact timing certainly was never a necessary element of the Kula ring. The fact that they can extend months as needed is genius. They also have a much more accurate lunar system than we do here. Farmers today are always paying attention to nature to know how to farm; the exact calendar does not matter.

What I also question is that the methodology is never explained the comments on different calendars are stated, but there is nothing to put this information in context. Without knowledge of the methodology used it an examination of how Leach came to his conclusions that the individuals on the Botel Tobago Island did not understand what they were talking about when it came to their calendar makes me question the conclusion.

The Mabuchi article also lacks in an explanation of the methodology. I do question whether one anthropologist can give accurate information on so many cultures and as I read through it I noticed that the cultures named are all low-land groups and what I assume to be the Japanese administrative roups that were discussed in the last class? This makes me question the classifications or groups that are given. These were classifications of individuals for political purposes and these classifications were ultimately rather artificial. The classifications also refer to high-land groups, which from what I have read in the past, early colonizers did not have much contact or easy access to the highland groups due to the head-hunting.

I do agree with getting into the mindset and reading articles such as these, but they must be read with a grain of salt. 

Blog Post on this week’s readings: Barclay and Corcuff

I found the concept of liminality to be very useful and accurate way to describe Taiwan and it’s relationship with China. I especially enjoyed the quote, “Ultimately, it is a way to better understand the complexity of China’s feelings towards Taiwan, where self-proclaimed love and hidden hate, feelings of proximity and jealousy, appropriation, interdependency, fascination and contempt all mix.” There is a very long and complex history here between the relations between China and Taiwan. The relations cannot be easily summarized, that would be a naïve thing to do. The China and Taiwan relationship is vastly complex and this must be recognized.

It is hard to know the future of the Taiwan and China relationship from the Corcuff article. Barclay however, gives more insight.

In the Barclay article it is written that there are two narratives of Taiwan in the 1980s. One narrative is that of the Han history in Taiwan which speaks to a Han identity and is used to advocate for Han independence. Han identity is tied to the island, to the point where people want to identify as partially indigenous to assert their right to their independent land. The other speaks of an indigenous history of the island and of how all non-indigenous peoples are really invaders and do not have a true claim to the island. I think these two interpretations have a very interesting contrast. The first story can be seen as an appropriation of indigenous identity used for political purposes. I would consider the second interpretation more politically and factually correct, but from what I have read in the past about Taiwanese Aboriginal Peoples and that time period I would assume that the story of the colonizers was more likely to be heard.   

The take-away message I guess would be to understand that we cannot think of nationality and identity in binary terms. To understand Taiwan you have to understand a complex history. You must know that Taiwan is not China and China is not Taiwan. Indigenous peoples have lived in Taiwan for a long time, colonialism threatened their culture and still today we cannot be foolish and view Taiwan as a nation separate from China, we must understand the indigenous history and the colonial context.