Identities in Taiwan

I would say that what could be taken away from this week’s readings was not necessarily to understand the history in Taiwan and how this very specific and complex history came to form Taiwanese identity but rather what a fluid concept national identity is.

In Taiwan, the relations with the colonial powers of the Japanese period and the most recent Chinese period where often very violent, brutal force was used, poverty was quickly inflicted and new cultures and customs were forced upon peoples. This held true for both Taiwanese Aboriginal Peoples and the Han populations, but in different ways.

During the different periods inhabitants reacted differently based on perceptions of class and how well a group did during that time. During the Japanese period many Aboriginals attempted to forget their indigenous identity, due to Japanese encroachment. At the beginning of the final Chinese period, many Aboriginal peoples sought to reclaim their indigenous identity. New sentiments around a Taiwanese identity separate from a Chinese identity sparked many to re-consider and take pride in their Aboriginal identity.

Many Han came to appreciate a Japanese lifestyle during the Japanese period, though there was discrimination and systemic barriers, many Han appreciated the technologies and cleanliness that was often available. When the Chinese first came back many Han were excited, but soon disappointed by the lack of opportunity and still oppressive rule. 2.28 occurred and there was a long period of political silencing. Now that many can speak publically again though, those who remember the Japanese speak fondly of it.

What is interesting is that the elderly who remember the Japanese periods describe their personal identities as changing during different era in their lives. They were Japanese than Chinese. Many Indigenous also describe their identity as changing. This is why I would describe the Taiwanese identity as fluid, it changes based on political and personal circumstances and cannot be pinned down to one thing.  

Grennhalgh and Gates

I found the articles to be very interesting this week. The focus has shifted to economic Anthropology in Taiwan.

In the Grennhalgh article, the focus was on what roles individuals take in their family businesses and how this fits in with the kinship system and how this formulated historically due to the colonialist history and more recently within the Republic of China take-over of the politics of the Island after the rise to power of the People’s Republic of China. It introduced the reader to the history that lead to the rise of the family firm in Taiwan. What I found really interesting was the focus of the role of women and kinship terms and how this related to an understanding of Ancestor worship as seen in the Wolf article last week.

In-laws (both male and female) and unmarried daughters are unlikely to achieve positions of power within the family firms. They will however receive a salary, often for piece work. Sons will often occupy the positions of managers. Fathers will run the business and be the “boss” or the top person. Wives and sometimes daughters will be the bookkeepers. The roles of women might be adjusted to assist with childcare and other household duties but ideally in a successful business women will not have to work and will spend their time being entertained and enjoying leisure. 

The Gates article “Democracy and the Part-time Proletariat in Taiwan” focused in how the class system (as it pertains to a family unit) works in Taiwan. Government employment is seen as very high class. Not only do these employees receive comfortable salaries, they receive food products that they can consume and sell extras, discounts and they have access to valuable inside information. Many occupants of these jobs are not perceived as competent and the work is often not very challenging.

Factory work does not provide a living wage. Many young adults work in these jobs while they are living with their parents and not yet married. This income might supplement the individual. It is interesting that in Taiwanese culture a pattern can be noticed where individuals of low ranks within their family units might work. But, in the jobs that they work they do not make enough money to support oneself. Rather, they are dependent on the family’s income during these periods. This, of course, is a generalization. There are low income families who must find ways to survive on these very low factory wages, often through splitting up the families. I have read elsewhere that Taiwanese Aboriginal People’s from rural areas often live in urban areas, work in factories and send money back to their rural families, this however was not mentioned in the article.